The development of social knowledge morality and convention pdf

Social scientists have extensively considered development and manuscript. I also thank Carolyn Hildebrandt, Melanie Killen, and Larry Nucci categories of social interaction, culture, and society. However, each of the for their comments. Finally, thanks to Helen Clifton for her excellent work in concerns has been dealt with by separate social scientific disciplines.

The most typing and retyping the manuscript. The major psychological Berkeley, California Elliot Turiel approaches e. Among social scientists, it is mainly anthropologists and sociologists who have studied systems of social interaction through analyses of culture and society. For their part, students of culture and society ha ve generally disregarded systematic study and the forrnulation of explanatory principies of psychological functioning and development.

The assumption is that individuals accommodate to the of this volume is on two social domains: convention and morality. Through their participation in A concern with acquisition, however, must go beyond assumptions to direct social groups, such as the family, school, or with their peers, children form investigations and explication of the process of development. The nature of the conceptions about social systems and the conventions, the shared expectations, individual's relation to the broader social system, the ways in which behavior is that coordinate interactions.

Moral prescriptions are not relattve to the soc1al yses of psychological-developmental processes if one is concerned with the context, nor are they defined by it. Correspondingly, children's moral judgments integration of individuals into such systems.

The study of the individual's social development, thinking, and behavior violations of rights, and conflicts of competing claims. After considering the The research described in this volurne documents that individuals develop general principies of structure and development Chapter 2 , definitional criteria theories about categories of social interaction.

Those theories, however, are not for the two domains are presented in Chapter 3. As discussed in Chapter 2, a simply about each specific or isolated social interactional element experienced.

But social other. The links are twofold. Whereas action is the into one system. A main proposition of this volume is that social judgments are source of conceptual development, socialjudgments- once they are forrned- are organized within domains of knowledge. A related proposition is, therefore, that not distinct from actions manifested in behavioral situations.

One of the tasks, then, is to study the organizations Chapter 3 includes analyses of the experiential sources of social judgments and and reorganizations of thinking within domains of social judgment.

The meaning describes a series of observational studies of children 's social interactions in and boundaries of domains of thinking are considered throughout this volume, naturalistic settings.

The theoretical perspective is a structural severa! The focus social development. Differences of interpretation exist at general levels On the basis of the assumption that the individual 's social world includes other of analysis. For others e.

Within either the integrated or the diverse view, culture has been regarded as performing controlling functions. Social understandings or social control As an example, the thesis that cultures are homogeneous, integrated wholes was posited by Benedict in her analysis of Patterns of Culture.

For This book is also about the individual' S relation to and interaction with the social Benedict, the coherence of culture produces consistency across domains. The environment, how to characterize those interactions and, especially, how those type of integration found in one culture, however, is likely to differ from that of interactions influence development.

One type Benedict's type of relativism stems from the idea that the practices of each of theory central to social development pertains to moral issues. Children also culture mak:e sense with regard to its form of integration. Benedict maintained form theories of social organization, through which they understand the meaning that all social regulations are culturally determined customs, whose meaning and and function of conventions.

In coming to understand social systems, people act importance could be understood only in relation to their role in a cultural pattem. It guides the ways children are tence. In The expected to obey. In other words, social life is not detached from thought Chrysanthemum and the Sword, for instance, Benedict describes child training in processes.

However, the cognitive perspective of social domains is not shared by al! The proposition that individuals are controlled by the social environment is not students of development or of social systems.

A contrasting view of morality and always associated with a holistic or integrated view of culture. The idea that the convention is that they rcpresent variants of externally determined standards, individual is shaped by the social environment has been combined with the view which serve to shape and guide people's behaviors, as well as delimit or control that culture is a series of mechanisms of b ehavioral control. As Geertz , p. From the societal viewpoint, morality and convention, which are 44 put it, "Culture is Man is precise!

The individual requires a narrowing of behavioral possibilities, a channeling 1eaming of values and rules. Morality i s thus seen as a combination of fixed of capacities into a social order: "Undirected by cultural pattems- organized habits and direct mental representations of values and rules. From this assumption three tenets follow: 1 a dichotomy exists between self-evident nor empirically verified. Whether one assumes a greater or lesser the individual and the group; 2 a dichotomy exists between self-interest and extent of correspondence, however, it does not fol!

In these conceptions the individual is tion of social psychological development, a series of issues must be posed and regarded as entering the world with impulses, needs, drives, or, according to answered with specificity and detail.

First is consideration of the nature of the Freud, with complex pattems of instincts. Or are they such that form of standards, regulations, prohibitions, etc. That is, with increasing age the child's behavior is modified or socialized edge?

Although the concept of control is applicable in the former case, it is so as to render it more consistent with group interests and standards.

The nature of. In tional. Social behavior is, in the main, guided by emotions; reason is, at best, tum, we must inquire into the nature and courses of change that individuals secondary. It is rewards, punishments, and threats, along commodation to the cornrnunity, or is it the construction of modes of reasoning with their resultant fears, anxieties, and ambivalences, that cause the shift from about social categories?

However, the social environment These questions are central to developmental analyses. Answers to sorne of does not merely exert control upon individuals but is understood by them.

Development entails an expanding social knowledge and an Such implicit theories are, in a general sense, consistent with sorne explicit increasing complexity of social interactions.

Rather, the child is in a reciproca! However, more important influences - particularly for the point of view 2 Structure and development and the research fmdings presented in this volume- have stemmed from Piaget's Iater theoretical forrnulations regarding thought, structure, and development. The individual's interactions edge.

For instance, distinctions are drawn between logical-mathematical concepts with the environment are characterized by efforts to understand other persons and and physical concepts, as well as between operative and figurative fonns of relations among persons.

Hence, the individual is in a reciproca! Moreover, severa] researchers e. The purpose of this discussion is to provide two main trends in psyc! The developmental approach to. Whereas attribution theorists were influenced by In order to know objects, the subject must act upon them, and therefore transfonn them: he must displace, connect, combine, take apart and reassemble them.

Knowledge, then, at its origin those of Baldwin , , Vygotsky , Wemer , , neither arises from objects nor from the subject, but from interactions The thesis, therefore, is interactional discussion of methods of study. For now, the point to be made is that from a and not maturational. According1y, the concept of intelligence is not terpreted to be a nativistic or maturational one.

As early as Isaacs p. It is indeed true, as Wilson wrote, that Piaget referred to the and conception of the world, constitute the most arresting modern staternent of the theory structural theory of intellectual growth as genetic epistemology.

However, the o f rnaturation. But Piaget's conclusions are, I think , lessened in their final value use of the term "genetic" is meant to connote development and not a hereditary because he does no! In its developmental sense the term has been used in two contexts, genetic epistemology and genetic psychology.

In any purel y intellectual growth. If development is not explained as a direct Later, biologists began to use the term 'genetics' in a more restricted sense. In the current function of experience, it is assumed that one must be positing a nativistic or language of bi ologists, 'genetics ' refers only to the rnechanisms of here dity and does not. Among those who take innateness and experience as i clude the study of ernbryogenetic or developmental processes.

Most ha ve regarded innateness and experience as representing dual causes This is not to say that there is no biological basis to deve1opment. It is to say of behavior. However, so me place the greatest emphasis on in nate factors e. The biological or inherited factors contributing to the development of mined capacities , others regard the acquisition of environmental content as thought are, in addition to general capacities for cognitive activities, the dual primary, and still others attribute more or less egua!

Within that tradition, intelligence is defined as a to fit his or her structures and through accommodation the individual's structures trait or capacity possessed by individuals to a greater or lesser degree.

Competing opment, including the activities of infants and adults. The process of assimilating explanations of the sources of intelligence vary usually with regard to the degree environmental events can be seen, for example, in the infant's attempts to suck to which it is determined by innate capacities or by experience.

Sorne have objects like rattles or blocks, thus fitting the objects to a sucking schema. In maintained that intelligence is primarily a genetically determined capacity only addition to assimilation, experienced events produce accommodation of existing minimally affected by experience. Others have argued that, in spite of sorne schema to the structure of the object. Infants accommodate their sucking schema contribution of genetic traits, intelligence is primarily determined by experience.

Sorne have also urged for a more balanced The concepts of assimilation and accommodation imply a reciproca! Responses are not detennined entirely by externa! As an illustrative example of parts and sets. The infants were presented with a small series of different objects how a response entails a structuring of the stimuli eliciting it, consider the classic e.

The experiment, which materials. The analyses were based on detailed recording of the spontaneous presumably demonstrated the conditionability of emotional reactions in infants, activities of infants , as well as their reactions to specific manipulations o f the was based on the hypothesis of a unilateral connection of stimulus and response objects by the experimenter. The logical operations found to be part of that early S "t R. Watson and Rayner claim to have conditioned a fear of rats in the period of cognitive development consist of combinativity e.

The cognitions of this period to sorne question; see Harris, Bregman, using the same conditioning techniques with different stimuli This is not the place for an extensive discussion of the sensorimotor origins of have shown that the relation of the subject to the object contributes to the physical cognitions and logical operations. The brief mention of findings from leaming that occurs. Using rnethods similar to those of Watson and Rayner, research on infant cognition serves to illustrate that even at the youngest ages, the Bregrnan attempted to condition infants to fear wooden objects and cloth curtains individual' s interactions with the environment stem frorn organized systems of of various shapes and colors.

Bregman's experimental efforts were unsuccessful: thought: "The structures of physical cogniti'on are of a piece; they constitute a She was unable to condition fear responses to the inanimate objects. It is proposed, therefore, that thought is characterized by systems of relation exists between responses and stirnuli.

The findings can be interpreted to organization in which the elements or parts are subordinated to the laws of the mean that the nature of the stimulus, in concert with the child's schema, are whole Piaget, 1 c; Turiel, la. However, it should be clearly noted that significan!

Even From the point of view of an infant, anirnate objects are more likely to have during infancy distinctions are drawn between physical cognition means-ends fear-evoking qualities than a block of wood or piece of cloth.

During infancy, or the sensorimotor period of development part-whole transformations. More will be structed that lead to the fonnation of representational thought and symbolization. It is also which their actions are coordinated with desired objectives. As indicated, the cognitions of the sensorimotor edge of objects e. Recently, sorne importan! In extensive, detailed, and precise research on infants' 6 to simpler to more complex fonns of organization.

One example of how this is manifested comes from the as superior. It has also been ment, the assimilation of new information to existing theories is termed "belief. Belief perseverance is another way of input from the physical and social e. Examples come from experiments on children ' s moral their interpretation of new information and evidence. Accordingly, similar types. In these experiments of structuring of information or environmental input has been documented in.

The degree of nomena central to a structural approach to development have been documented. Kahneman, Starting with Piaget, an important means for understanding For the most part, they were unable to comprehend communications at Jevels children's thinking has been the analysis of their conceptual errors.

In fact, in many cases higher-level communications were known example, but it is only one example, is Piaget's analyses of young. Perhaps the most striking examp1es of how the individual' S existing modes of cognitive operations.

The formulation o f a developmental sequence includes thinking have a powerful influence on the interpretation of new information both analyses of earlier levels of thought and their relation to the more adequate, ,.. One example more powerful conceptualizations of later levels of thought. ConflfiJling and disconfirming evidence was presented to systematic errors in scientific and statistical inferences. Although the tasks used subjects who had expressed either the belief that capital punishment was a in the research with adults are of greater difficulty and complexity, the pattems deterrent to potential murderers or that it did not serve as a deterrent.

Participants in the experiment were told about the results and in this case, of scientific inference. The two methods provided were 1 comparisons of murder Stages, developmental synchrony-asynchrony, equilibration rates before and after states had adopted capital punishment, and 2 comparisons between states with and without capital punishment.

For sorne people one type of Severa! The sequences generally consist of stages position on capital punishment, and the other method method 2 was combined or levels meant to demarcate qualitative changes. The concept of a sequence of stages or levels, capital punishment, and method 2 was combined with results supporting their which is part of Piaget' s formulations and i s used by severa!

The findings of the experiment showed clear cases of the assimilation ; Furth, ; Kohlberg, ; Langer, ; Selman, ; Turiel, a; of evidence to the preexisting positions. Given the tently found the "data" supportive of their position much more convincing than controversies over the stage concept, it may be usefui, at this point, to describe the disconfirming data.

Regardless of how the methods and results were paired, its characteristics. Structuralists have proposed that thinking forms systems of organization.

They maintain. It would appear that those criticisms are aimed at striking at the heart of neity. In that case, an individual 's stage should be apparent across most tasks and structural theory in order to demonstrate its lack of validity, beca use the critics situations.

Criticisms have also come from sorne e. Aavell, ; Rest, in press whose orientation is at least partly compatible with 3.

Critics maintain that the concept is not supported by the empirical evidence. The critics maintain that if the claim Those characterizations are, of course, the bases for the critica] analyses. It sistencies between 1 the way critics have characterized the structural-developmental is maintained that the research evidence shows that changes are gradual and use of the stage notion, and 2 the structural-developmental characterization and asynchronous.

Typically, their overriding assumptions are that structural theorists are l. Thls general environment, that is, from experience.

Three aspects of structural interactional-constructivist structural theories. The interactional proposition is theory have led the critics to propose theoretical implications and concomitant that knowledge is formed through the subject's actions upon events, tasks, and empirical tests: problems , as well as through reflections upon actions Piaget, , Gb. Structuralists have proposed that thinking is not a copy or internalization follows, therefore, that the child's experiences would influence the type of of environmental content.

The cognitive development is minimally influenced by experience. They maintain nature of events or tasks, as well as the child's familiarity with them the extent that i f the claim were correct, then the same stages of development would be to which the child has acted and reflected upon them should have a bearing u pon observed regardless of the child's experiences.

In tum, the structuralist position type and leve] of thinking. However, there is an interaction between experiential g is faulted for payin insufficient attention to environmental influences, especially variables and stage of development. Similar experience would be expected to the social environment, on the child's development.

The homogeneity expected from a stage or leve! Developmental synchrony or asynchrony. Analyses of how different types of social events and tions reflect abrupt changes across tasks and domains general developmental interactions are related to the-development of distinct domains of knowledge is synchrony. It is proposed, instead, that developmental transitions, which are considered in Chapter 3. The relation of social judgments to prior familiarity hypothesized to be internally regulated equilibration , occur within domains.

Again, at least two propositions can be made regarding the nature of such 2. Homogeneity and heterogeneity of thought. The structural proposition that within-domain transitions. An altemative proposition is that transition tasks and situations.

At gence of a new form and is, therefore, gradual. It may be proposed that thought is organized in such a way tion see Chapter 6 is that transitions include a phase of negation of a system of that it encompasses all areas, al!

Or it may be proposed that thought is organized within narrower affmnation of a more advanced set of concepts. This interpretation is consistent ,.. As stated in Chapter l , one of the with the cross-sectional and longitudinal findings. It is also consisten! The proposition is that social knowledge is organized within ; Turiel , , and on nonsocial cognitive development in childhood domains the moral, societal, and psychological and not across domains.

Indeed, a consensus can be said to exist social-inforroational knowledge and social-conceptual knowledge. Equilibrium, placed by Piaget. His conception of genetic epistemology is based on a concern however, does not simply mean adjustmen t or conforroity to externa! There are two interrelated aspects to structural equilibrium.

One refers to the opment. The second refers to an edge is distinguished from concepts about the physical world. We have already understanding of the environment in the most powerful, comprehensive, and seen that this kind of a distinction is evidenced in infancy through the differences effective way.

That is, each stage of development represents a more equilibrated between means-ends and part-whole transformations Langer, Further means of understanding the environment than the previous stage. It is disequilibrium, which is characterized by therefore, that interactions with fundamentally different types of objects and conceptions of inadequacies, contradictions, and inconsistencies in the existing events should result in the formation of distinct concepts.

A prograrn of ant events. As has been shown by The analyses presented in this volume deal with domains in social knowledge, longitudinal research with subjects identified as undergoing transition Turiel, on the assumption that social concepts are not all of one kind.

The first task is to identify and define the domains under prior stage and those of the emerging stage. In Chapter 3 morality and social convention are defined further tute an identifiable phase and cannot be said to occur in sudden , abrupt fashion. A second task i s to The portrayal of a developing child who shifts abruptly from one stage to another examine the experiential sources of developrnent.

The domain criteria provide a does not accord with structural analyses of conflicts, nor with the discrepancies basis for studying the types of social experiences that stimu!

Two other types of tion process. Sorne phases in development that seem to reflect determine the criteria that they use in their judgments about each domain.

A a lesser achievement than that of an earlier phase actually represent conceptual series of such studies is discussed in Chapter 4. Insofar as valid domains are conflicts and cognitive advance. The development of each type of Domains of knowledge and partial structures. Development within structural development. These have included observational studies, controlled a domain entails reorgan izations of thought, so that separate developmental experiments , and a type of interview labeled the clinical method Piaget, Conceptual interview method.

Because such constructions originate from the others were conducted in the context of the "laboratory. It follows, simply means that the researcher administered a given procedure to the subject in 1 Piaget's fonnulations of stages of cognitive development include the specification of substages a separate room e. For instance, six substages have been identified within the stage of sensorimotor of conducting the research. With the inclusion of substages in each of the stages of cognitive development, Piaget proposed a gradual process of development because the shift from the start of The use of the laboratory or the naturalistic context depended on the purposes one stage to the start of the next stage involves progress through severa!

By contrast, most of the studies of children's social reasoning were interviews are aimed at describing the organization of thought and, therefore, are conducted in the laboratory context so as to enable clase and detailed gathering designed to obtain data on processes of reasoning and not just on conclusions or of data.

One of the potential disadvantages of the laboratory context is that the products Kohlberg, ; Langer, ; Luria, ; Piaget, , ; Turiel, subject's familiarity with the events or stimuli presented may not be as great as ; Wemer, , whereas psychometric measures are designed to elicit with those encountered in naturalistic contexts. Consequently, it must be searcher with its independent assessment, as was done in sorne of the studies asked: If one begins with the theoretical assumptions that there are underlying discussed in Chapter 4.

In research on the structure of thought the distinction is not val id, because interview method with psychometric tests or to apply psychometric criteria in reasoning about problems or events occurs natural! The answer to this question, it will be argued, is No! This oogoing social interactions.

Quite to occurs in many nonresearch settings? The remainder of this chapter is devoted to methods and the related theory. However, the criteria are somewhat different from discussion of the rationale and features of interview methods used in research on psychometric criteria and closer to general scientific criteria of hypothesis testing structura1 development.

The reasons for amplifying on the clinica1 interview are and theory validation. An incorrectly presumed lack of standardization of assessments and The process of formulating methods of research cannot be dissociated from the objectivity of scoring has sometimes led to attempts to translate the procedures topics of investigation or the type of information that one intends to uncover.

To into "tests" that do not require the interviewing of subjects and that are scored be productive, the investigator's methodologies must be related to hypotheses mechanically.

In addition, confusions about method and theory are evident in and theoretical propositions. If one begins with a set of propositions requi. The laboratory methods also main untested. As an obvious example, the proposition that an understanding of provide data on reflective thinking, which can then be used in the study of thinking in naturalistic cognition is necessary for explanations of the psychology of human functioning scttings.

The clinical interview is one of the A feature of the clinical method is that the interviewer decides during the methods originally designed Piaget, , , and subsequently course of the interview which probing questions to ask. In cally determined. One type of probe is straightforward and predetermined in the particular, the clinical method is designed to ascertain how an individual thinks interview schedule. Altemative sets of probing questions are contingent on the about particular issues and not just what he thinks or how correctly he salves response given by the subject.

That is, one type of response could require one set problems. Probes serve to clarify questions, so analyzing products are the repeated observations of U-shaped behavioral growth that the subject understands the question as it is meant by the researcher and Strauss, in press. According to Strauss, the phenomenon of a disappearance of responds accordingly. Remember that central to structural theory is the proposition that the expression, conservation of quantities, and motor ski lis.

Another example comes.. They basis of type or level of thinking. Probes are, therefore, deemed necessary in ,. Therefore , interviewers must be rect solution. Furthermore, the interview er must be adept at stimulating the subject to such as number, classification, seriation, or morality and a closely associated deal with the task or problem presented and to respond to questions.

In sorne cases, the subject is presented with a task of the data. As Piaget maintained 1 , p. In sorne cases, particularly in countersuggestion the subject is presented with a judgment differing from the one he has giveo in the research on social cognition, verbally presented problems e.

Countersuggestions test the limits of the are solved and the questions pertain to the conceptualization of the elements of certainty with which the judgment is maintained and provide a stimulus for furtlier exploratio?

In some of the studies discussed in Chapters 3 , 4, and 5 the tdea of countersuggestlons the problem and mode of reasoning. Concrete tasks, verbally posed problems, was translated and expanded into systematic procedures for obtaining data on specific issues.

The tests are calibrated to age norms in that information about the organization of thought and sequential transformations, it items vary according to their difficulty.

However, test items are not calibrated to follows that methods for coding responses would include descriptions of such type of intelligence or knowledge. Intelligence tests, such as the Stanford-Binet systems and a basis for distinguishing them sequentially. A coding naming the days o f the week , and motor skills. In this tradition intelligence is scriptions of organizations of thinking. Coders, too, must be well trained so as to defined as a trait or capacity possessed by individuals.

Therefore, intelligence is understand the theoretical framework and the technical details of the categories; defined quantitatively; it is an amount of the trait or capacity possessed by an to be able to interpret the bases for discriminating between responses that are and individual, relative to others in comparable groups for sorne theorists the amount are not germane to the domain of the investigation;4 and to be able to objectively can shift with experience, but for others it is primarily fixed by inherited factors.

In itself, intelligence is The clinical method and psychometric measures compared operationalized as the capacity measured by inte1ligence tests. The study view allows for probing questions, whose use is dependent on the subject's of intelligence is the study of cognitive development.

In the study of cognitive :. Because the scoring procedures are not mechanical and order to investigate their forms of reasoning.

In his early work, of items from the Binet-Simon tests of intelligence. For turn, it is claimed that psychometric measures are more precise because of their instance, the Binet-Simon test included a set of "absurd sentence" items of the standardization i. Psychometric measures of intelligence provide a e Someone said: If ever 1 kili myself from despair l won 't choose a Friday , because Friday is a bad day and would bring me ill luck.

Piaget used these same items categories. Responses that cannot be scored are only a problem if the coding procedures do not have to study elements of thought by examining how children understand the logical clear criteria for distinguishing responses relevan! Coding procedures with such criteria obviate the necessity for coding aU responses, when sorne of contradictions and reciproca! However, on the assumption that logical necessity.

In fact, from the structural perspective psychometric measures are sources of. In the clinical method, however, standardization is. Therefore, the perceived degree of standardization is not a purely the subject's interpretations of stimuli.

In the psychometric approach standardization is achieved by eliminating or The adequacy of standardization can be assessed in two ways. One is through.

The uniformity of the assessment measures of test-retest consistency over short periods of time. The second way of assessing. The elicited response is standardization is through the replicability of findings. Insofar as a tester deviates from the questions to elicit other responses the measure is stable. Studies on social cognitive development based on the.

This realist conception o f standardization ; Selman, ; and the studies reported in this volume. Correspondingly, objectivity of scoring procedures is a goal of the clinical The realist conception of standardization, however, does not follow from the method.

However, objectivity is not regarded as synonymous with mechanical. Therefore, it does not follow methods of scoring. At the simplest leve! In this context, it is neither plausible nor desirable to eliminate used, if they are to be adequate to the task, will account for the subject's scorer judgment. A scoring procedure is sufficiently objective if it can be used. There is no question that reaction to it. This is a simple, logical point!

Accordingly, it is not reasonable to coding procedures developed through the clinical method can be objective, as. These the Kurtines and Greif evaluation have been carefully and insightfully discussed misconceptions have been further compounded by translation of sorne general elsewhere Broughton, , b. In are misapplied to structural theory. As stated by Carnpbell , p. Many intelligence tests are designed for use in educational settings reliability are not concepts belonging to the philosophy of science.

Instead they to predict academic performance. Personnel-selection tests are designed to make are concepts which have developed in the course of mutual criticisms of test predictions about occupational success. This model was adopted by Kurtines and constructors and test users, concepts which relate to the implicit and explicit Greif in their assertion that the validity of Kohlberg's methods of assessing moral claims of test constructors and test salesmen.

Moreover, a rather stringent test of predictability was imposed. Most important, the overriding feature of action issue is one that requires explanation. In structural theory, by contrast, descriptions of stages or levels of development Whatever the proposed reasons for the d iscontinuity, if the hypothesis were are in themselves theoretical propositions designed to explain phenomena, such correct, then valid descriptions of judgment would not be predictive of behavior.

The descriptions of the organization or Determining the relations of thought and action is a complex and difficult types of thinking constitutes one element of a theory that may be related to other problem in psychological theory that is not reducible to prediction or correlation. As examples, theoretical Chapter 9 considers social behaviors and their relations to domains of social formulations may explain relations between types of thinking and behavioral judgments. It is proposed that moral judgment is only one componen!

It is important, therefore , to distinguish between test validation, on the one hand, and the use of empirica! Projective tests are highly unstructured stimuli; responses to them are presumed to reflect personality characteristics and clinical method and related structural descriptions simply as a psychological test.

Therefore, construct validation is also a predictive notion. To evaluate the construct validity of a structural assessment it is necessary to transform it into a test score that supposedly predicts other variables. In an arbitrary fashion, Kurtines and Greif established , as one test of the construct validity of the assessment procedures, the proposition that the moral judgment stages described by Kohlberg form a unidirectional and invariant sequence. In Two propositions regarding the child's interactions with the environment were.

Responses are not unilaterally determined by stimuli and, therefore, of the ways of determining if the descriptions of moral judgments were valid.

Again, the relations among different components of a theory were misinterpreted lcnowledge does not stem directly from experiences. The child gains knowledge. Alternative hypotheses can and have been proposed by acting upon and abstracting frorn events. In addition to experiencing events,. It may be individuals select, interpret, and systematize elements of their experiences. Just as social concepts are not al!

The research discussed scription of forms of thinking cf. Flavell, The theoretical task is to explain the structures of knowledge and the processes in this chapter examines elements of social interaction as they relate to the. Components of a theoretical framework are not static constructs formation of moral and social conventional concepts.

One of the definitional problems in the social domains is that similar. Jn everyday discourse , the same label, including the labeling of events as moral or conventional , may be tique of the topic of construct validity. Campbell' s counterargument was simply that Bechtoldt's critique was directed at philosophy-of-science issues and that the applied in different ways and with different implications. A moral use of the term might be, "The thief should? The phtlosophJcal d1sagreement will remain, but it need not steal.

It not produce a lack of cons nsus about desirable evidence of test validity. Consider other examples of uses of the term "should" that can pertain to either morality or social convention. The following statement could represen! Dolan claims, these problems are: … Expand. View 1 excerpt.

However, very little empirical work has delved into how … Expand. View 2 excerpts, cites background. Culture and moral development. This essay reports the results of a cross-cultural development study of ideas about the moral its form and ideas about what is moral its content. The informants for the study are children, five … Expand.

View 1 excerpt, references background. Moral Development: Advances in Research and Theory. The authors assess their own work with … Expand. While the concept of public school character education is not new, the ground swell of renewed interest among educators, parents, and con cerned citizens is a relatively recent phenomenon. We examine … Expand. Character Education: Research Prospects and Problems.

American Journal of Education. This article reviews the issues and research problems associated with that form of moral education in which good character is central. It discusses: 1 why character is considered valuable; 2 what … Expand. Fostering Goodness: teaching parents to facilitate children's moral development. Abstract Although moral development of children has long been ascribed predominantly to the effects of parenting, there has been little systematic examination of the specific nature of this relation.

The telling of stories in moral education has a long and universal tradition. In the study of moral development, however, the uses and power of narrative in both forming and conveying a moral sense … Expand. The relation of role taking to the development of moral judgment in children. Child development. America's public schools should restore proper emphasis on what has been the dominant concern of education throughout the ages.

W ithin the recent past, Ameri can education substantially … Expand. View 2 excerpts, references background. Available online. Full view. Green Library. T9 Unknown. SAL3 off-campus storage. T9 Available. More options. Find it at other libraries via WorldCat Limited preview. Bibliography Bibliography: p. Contents Preface 1. Introduction: approaches to the study of social knowledge 2.

Structure and development 3. Social experience and social knowledge 4. Dimensions of social judgments 5. Rules and prohibitions 6. The development of concepts of social convention and coordination of domains 7. The development of moral judgments 8.